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Й - йумар
Фу, блядь, навіть при совку так відверто не підлещувалися до влади
Фу, блядь, навіть при совку так відверто не підлещувалися до влади
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Непоганий удар в псіну
Спостерігаємо
https://www.patreon.com/posts/127512702?utm_campaign=postshare_creator
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Patreon
Російська енергія, іди нахуй: трохи про пригоди Фон дер Ляєн в Лондоні | Фашик Донецкий
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І знову кацапів принижують
Гру рф, шо с єбалом?
https://www.patreon.com/posts/127566042?utm_campaign=postshare_creator
Гру рф, шо с єбалом?
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Киргизький удар в псіну. Частина третя | Фашик Донецкий
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Якщо ви ненавидите кацапів так само як і ми, тоді ви маєте підписатися на ці канали!
🇺🇦 ДрукАрмія - найефективніший процес, яким кожен з нас може допомогти ЗСУ.
🇺🇦 Фашик Донецький - тут роспропаганду помножують на нуль.
🇺🇦 Євген Вольнов — славнозвісний майор Чернобаєв, від якого волають кацапські мамки.
🇺🇦 єРадар - військово-аналітичний канал, моніторинг ситуації у державному повітряному просторі, попередження щодо ворожих повітряних ударів. І куди ж без мемів.
🇺🇦 Останній Капіталіст - тут купують українське економічне диво.
🇺🇦 Український Наступ - палим руzню з 2014. Не зупиняємось.
🇺🇦 Дыбилятко.ua - Наші побратими садять окупантів на пляшку 🍾
🇺🇦 Маг.inc - авторський канал, на якому русня атріцатєльно оживає.
🇺🇦/🇬🇧 Jūsu Mākonis - авторський канал осінтера GloOouD, дослідження, кадри з фронту та вцілому твоя інформаційна хмаринка.
Підписатись на всі топові канали одночасно: Тицьни тут
🇺🇦 ДрукАрмія - найефективніший процес, яким кожен з нас може допомогти ЗСУ.
🇺🇦 Фашик Донецький - тут роспропаганду помножують на нуль.
🇺🇦 Євген Вольнов — славнозвісний майор Чернобаєв, від якого волають кацапські мамки.
🇺🇦 єРадар - військово-аналітичний канал, моніторинг ситуації у державному повітряному просторі, попередження щодо ворожих повітряних ударів. І куди ж без мемів.
🇺🇦 Останній Капіталіст - тут купують українське економічне диво.
🇺🇦 Український Наступ - палим руzню з 2014. Не зупиняємось.
🇺🇦 Дыбилятко.ua - Наші побратими садять окупантів на пляшку 🍾
🇺🇦 Маг.inc - авторський канал, на якому русня атріцатєльно оживає.
🇺🇦/🇬🇧 Jūsu Mākonis - авторський канал осінтера GloOouD, дослідження, кадри з фронту та вцілому твоя інформаційна хмаринка.
Підписатись на всі топові канали одночасно: Тицьни тут
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Шмар band воет на фоне деревянных окон и туалета на улице
Теперь я видел все
Теперь я видел все
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Сукаблдйбнпздц
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Аживаєт, блядь, ага
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Forwarded from Добрый Шубин
Вчера русня начала тестировать способность НАТО на Балтике перехватывать пидарские самолеты. Честно говоря, тут нужно ровняться на турецкий опыт образца 2015 года (второй скрин). С того момента нарушений воздушного пространства Турции не было.
Соссия кончается там, где можно получить пизды.
Соссия кончается там, где можно получить пизды.
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А смысл?)
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Хто зараз голосно матюкається, той зрозумів, де це
Сукаякийжепздц
Сукаякийжепздц
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Praying for the dead or killing the enemy: the British church's rift in 1945
Preamble. After watching a British TV series that touched on the Second World War, I have long wanted to write a long article about the British church's reaction to the bombing of Germany
The topic is simple for me personally, because I am not a religious person. For others, it is a difficult topic.
However, it is really interesting to see how the guys in robes reacted to revenge.
When in 1943-1945 the British air force began large-scale bombing of German cities (Hamburg, Cologne, Berlin, Dresden), the reaction of the church was ambivalent and internally tense.
There was the official line, which was in fact restrained support. At the beginning of the large-scale bombing campaign (1943), most church leaders were publicly silent or cautiously supported air strikes as a necessary evil. They said that the war was imposed on Britain, and therefore "the Lord will understand the suffering we are forced to inflict in order to defeat the greatest evil". Accordingly, many perceived the bombing as a just retaliation for the London Blitz (1940-1941), when the Germans barbarously bombed British cities.
The same Archbishop of Canterbury publicly stated in a number of his speeches in 1942-1943, including in Parliament and in addresses via the BBC, that the fight against Nazi Germany was a "crusade against absolute evil". He also said that the war was morally justified because it was about defending the foundations of humanity, and stressed that in the war against Hitler "it may be justified to use force which at other times would be morally questionable" if it led to the destruction of a profound evil.
From his 1943 speech:
"To preserve the hope of a just society, it may be necessary to endure the use of force where otherwise one would shrink from it."
("To preserve the hope of a just society, it may be necessary to endure the use of force where otherwise one would shrink from it.")
From another address in 1943:
"We are engaged not merely in self-defence, but in defence of the moral law itself."
("We are engaged not merely in self-defence, but in defence of the moral law itself.")
But not all was well. At the end of 1944, when the extent of the destruction in Germany became known, debates began within the church: how justified was the destruction of civilians? There was a fear among the clergy that Britain might lose its moral high ground by winning. This was especially acute after the destruction of Dresden in February 1945 (25,000 people died in the fire).
That is why some British bishops and priests began to openly criticise the Nazis. The most famous example is George Bell, Bishop of Chichester. In March 1945, he said in the House of Lords: "By turning our forces into instruments of indifferent destruction, we are destroying the very foundations of what we are fighting for."
Bell explicitly condemned the bombing of Dresden as an immoral act, arguing that victory without morality is a defeat of the spirit. His speech was met with hostility from politicians, but in the church it sparked a heated internal debate.
As a result, by the time Germany surrendered in May 1945, three camps had formed in the British church:
Pragmatists: justified the bombing as a sad but necessary price
Idealists: condemned massive attacks on civilians as a moral defeat.
silent people: they preferred not to speak out (not to comment) in order not to undermine the unity of society.
After the war, condemnation of the bombing intensified, and the church became an important participant in discussions about human rights, the morality of war, and the limits of the use of force. The figure of Bishop Bell became a symbol of moral protest within victorious Britain. The British Church itself, unlike many other institutions, did not keep silent about the moral costs of victory - even at the moment of national triumph.
👇
Preamble. After watching a British TV series that touched on the Second World War, I have long wanted to write a long article about the British church's reaction to the bombing of Germany
The topic is simple for me personally, because I am not a religious person. For others, it is a difficult topic.
However, it is really interesting to see how the guys in robes reacted to revenge.
When in 1943-1945 the British air force began large-scale bombing of German cities (Hamburg, Cologne, Berlin, Dresden), the reaction of the church was ambivalent and internally tense.
There was the official line, which was in fact restrained support. At the beginning of the large-scale bombing campaign (1943), most church leaders were publicly silent or cautiously supported air strikes as a necessary evil. They said that the war was imposed on Britain, and therefore "the Lord will understand the suffering we are forced to inflict in order to defeat the greatest evil". Accordingly, many perceived the bombing as a just retaliation for the London Blitz (1940-1941), when the Germans barbarously bombed British cities.
The same Archbishop of Canterbury publicly stated in a number of his speeches in 1942-1943, including in Parliament and in addresses via the BBC, that the fight against Nazi Germany was a "crusade against absolute evil". He also said that the war was morally justified because it was about defending the foundations of humanity, and stressed that in the war against Hitler "it may be justified to use force which at other times would be morally questionable" if it led to the destruction of a profound evil.
From his 1943 speech:
"To preserve the hope of a just society, it may be necessary to endure the use of force where otherwise one would shrink from it."
("To preserve the hope of a just society, it may be necessary to endure the use of force where otherwise one would shrink from it.")
From another address in 1943:
"We are engaged not merely in self-defence, but in defence of the moral law itself."
("We are engaged not merely in self-defence, but in defence of the moral law itself.")
But not all was well. At the end of 1944, when the extent of the destruction in Germany became known, debates began within the church: how justified was the destruction of civilians? There was a fear among the clergy that Britain might lose its moral high ground by winning. This was especially acute after the destruction of Dresden in February 1945 (25,000 people died in the fire).
That is why some British bishops and priests began to openly criticise the Nazis. The most famous example is George Bell, Bishop of Chichester. In March 1945, he said in the House of Lords: "By turning our forces into instruments of indifferent destruction, we are destroying the very foundations of what we are fighting for."
Bell explicitly condemned the bombing of Dresden as an immoral act, arguing that victory without morality is a defeat of the spirit. His speech was met with hostility from politicians, but in the church it sparked a heated internal debate.
As a result, by the time Germany surrendered in May 1945, three camps had formed in the British church:
Pragmatists: justified the bombing as a sad but necessary price
Idealists: condemned massive attacks on civilians as a moral defeat.
silent people: they preferred not to speak out (not to comment) in order not to undermine the unity of society.
After the war, condemnation of the bombing intensified, and the church became an important participant in discussions about human rights, the morality of war, and the limits of the use of force. The figure of Bishop Bell became a symbol of moral protest within victorious Britain. The British Church itself, unlike many other institutions, did not keep silent about the moral costs of victory - even at the moment of national triumph.
👇
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