However, the issue of the tik-tok generation's lack of adaptability to cataclysms is really serious. I don't know who's talking about nuclear weapons or missile strikes from thousands of kilometres away - as for me, when the katsaps go to Europe, it will be a war of morons. Some retards will come to fuck up the toilets, others will refuse to follow orders without a navigator because they don't know how to use a picture book (atlas)

And seriously, if something happens. For many people, a compass is something like a vinyl record player or a cart without air conditioning, something distant and completely incomprehensible, and they don't know how to use it

If the power or internet goes out, there will be a real panic on both sides - mum's top "military experts" will be fucked, because it turns out that without artificial intelligence they don't know shit at all, food delivery couriers will get lost for days, doctors won't be able to diagnose without tips from the internet

And I'm not joking now. Because just like those who deliver food, guys who carry ammunition or military equipment will get lost. Not because they're stupid, but because either no one taught them how to navigate, or they, like our youth, have given up on it all - what the fuck is a compass if you have Waze?

Yes, there are navigators that work without the internet, it's true. However, when there is neither electricity nor the Internet, it is a problem.

That's why the war of the morons will be both scary and funny at the same time. And it will be won by the one who is a little less stupid than his opponent

It's not about electricity. It's about education and the banal ability to make a fire without matches or know how to filter water so that it can be drunk. Don't believe me? Name three ways to make

So.

An epilogue or nahua for so many letters. Humanity is used to comfort. Too much so.

It hyperbolises its everyday problems to the level of water shortages in the desert, when it takes three days to get to the nearest water source

The only thing that sucks is that these same people have access to weapons that can kill a lot of people. Including those who press the buttons - it's not a fact that the generation of pink ponies won't get stupid when performing a super-simple task, like clicking on the country when they see the enemy, but will die en masse because they get blown away by taking selfies while doing it.

This generation of people is not stupid, that's not the point. It is simply not adapted to adversity or cataclysms. Soon, you will be able to kill from a distance with your phone and there will be no need for any mobilisations, but... these same people today do not know how to fish, except in a supermarket or on a website

Again, not all of them. But most of them are definitely not aware that taxi drivers used to use paper maps and find a point on the map without a GPS navigator. Or they used to follow road signs to other countries

Moral. The Third World War has already begun, although it is not yet visible. The only tragicomic thing is that the winners in it will be those who, despite all mathematical predictions or logic, will survive

Not because they are smarter, but because they simply did not have time to press the button that would lead to the detonation of the launcher, because the person who was given the order stupidly fucked up the order in which it should be pressed

Today there is electricity, tomorrow there is no electricity. Idiocracy is coming - this is what makes me really sad

Humanity will not die out from plague or covid. It will die out because of debilitation and unwillingness to leave the comfort zone

I went to the tent to cook the deer I caught with my own hands (with my bare fucking hands) today (sarcasm if you want)

The end

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При відключенні світла чи тирнету з обох сторін буде реально паніка - мамкині топ «військові експерти» завалять їбана, бо виявиться шо без штучного інтелекту вони взагалі ніхуя не знають, курʼєри з доставки їжі заблукають на декілька днів, лікарі без підказок з тирнету не зможуть поставити діагноз

І я не жартую зараз. Бо так само, як і ті, хто доставляють їжу, заблукають пацани, шо везуть боєприпаси чи військову техніку. Не тому шо тупі, а тому шо їх цьому або ніхто не вчив, орієнтуватися на місцевості, або вони, так само як і наша молодь, хуй забила на це все - який нахуй компас, якшо є Waze?

Так, є навігатори, які працюють без тирнету, це правда. Проте коли немає ні світла, ні тирнету, це проблема.

Тому війна дебілів буде і страшною, і смішною одночасно. І виграє її той, хто натупить трохи менше, ніж його суперник

Не в електриці справа. Справа в освіті та банальному вмінні розвести вогнище без сірників чи знати, як можна відфільтрувати воду, шоб її можна було пити. Не вірите? Назвіть три способи, як зробити

Отож

Епілог або нахуа стільки літер. Людство звикло до комфорту. Занадто

Воно гіперболізує свої проблеми побутові до рівня нестачі води в пустелі, коли треба ще пиздувати три дні до найближчого джерела

Хуйово лише те шо ці самі люди мають доступ до зброї, яка може знищити ну дуже багато людей. В тому числі тих, хто тисне на кнопки - не факт шо покоління рожевих поні не натупить при виконанні надпростого завдання, по типу як клацати по країні при вигляді ворога, але масово загине, бо пор здує робити селфі під час виконання.

Покоління людей не тупе, не в тому річ. Воно просто непристосоване до негараздів чи катаклізмів. Скоро за допомогою телефона можна буде вбивати на відстані і не треба буде ніяких мобілізацій, але… ці ж самі люди, сьогодні не знають, як ловити рибу, окрім супермаркету чи на сайті

Знову ж таки - не всі. Але більша частина точно не в курсі шо раніше таксисти їздили по паперовим картам і знаходили точку на карті, не маючи gps навігатора. Або їхали по дорожнім знакам в інші країни

Мораль. Третя світова вже розпочалася, хоча поки що цього ще не видно. Трагікомічним є лише те, шо переможцями в ній вийдуть ті, які, незважаючи на всі математичні прогнози чи логіку, виживуть

Не тому шо розумніші, а тому шо просто не встигли натиснути на о ту кнопку, яка б приз вела до детонації пускової установки, бо той, кому віддали наказ, тупо проїбав порядок, за яким шо треба натискати

Електрика сьогодні є, завтра її немає. Ідіократія наближається - ось від чорно насправді сумно

Людство вимре не від чуми чи ковіду. Воно вимре від дебілізму та небажанні виходити з зони комфорту

Пішов в намет готувати оленя, якого власноруч (голими руками, блять) спіймав сьогодні (сарказм якшо шо)

Кінець

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According to "CNN" (24 July 2024), Moscow authorities are offering record amounts of money - such as a $22,000 bonus - for signing a military contract. For many conscripts from the poorest regions of the Russian Federation (Dagestan, Buryatia, Kalmykia), this amount is several times their annual civilian earnings, which strongly motivates them to join the army. The salaries, line allowances and compensations paid to families in case of death are also a kind of "financial carrot". However, as reported in The System (1 November 2023), the promises in practice often turn out to be empty propaganda - soldiers fighting in the so-called punitive Storm Z units often do not see the promised money at all, but instead hear threats and are beaten when they try to demand their due payments.

The fear of desertion is stronger than the fear of death. Since September 2022, Russian criminal law has toughened the penalties for desertion and "unauthorised departure" from service. As a result - according to an analysis by the independent Mediazona service - the number of criminal trials for AWOL has already reached a thousand, and desertion is punishable by up to 15 years in prison. In addition, numerous testimonies (e.g. The Insider and quoted by The Guardian) show that, especially on the front line in Donbass, officers use direct violence against those who want to resign. The spectre of execution in a "punishment pit" or "basement" (field camps) is more effective at maintaining discipline than any patriotic ideology.

The Kremlin has been preparing propaganda ground for years, presenting Ukrainians as a "Nazi regime" controlled by "anti-Russian forces of the West." As Sistema (1 November 2023) recalls, as early as 2021 Putin published an essay in which he denied Ukraine's statehood, considering it an "artificial entity." With the start of the war in February 2022, Russia's state propaganda media convinced soldiers and citizens that this was a "liberation operation" in which Russia was liberating Ukraine from the hands of "Nazis and fascists." This message, repeated on television and on the Internet, provided psychological justification for any violence on the front.

Claims that the massacres (such as the massacre in Bucha) were "staged" or instigated by Kyiv fall along the same lines: Russia denies its own crimes and shifts all responsibility to the Ukrainians. The mechanism of dehumanisation is particularly dangerous because it allows ordinary soldiers to treat civilians as dangerous enemies or "traitors" not to be reckoned with. An article by Amelie Tolvin (Foreign Policy) argues that this is an effective way of breaking down moral barriers because "since we are at war with the Nazis, everything is allowed."

In April 2022, it was revealed that the 64th separate motorised brigade of the rf was responsible for the deaths of hundreds of civilians near Kiev. The accusations were confirmed by independent investigations ("CNN", 19 April 2022). Meanwhile, on 18 April 2022, President Putin awarded the unit the rank of "Guards" and praised its "heroic and exemplary actions." As CNN journalists note, this is a clear sign to Ukrainian and world public opinion that Moscow not only tolerates but approves of the brutality of its soldiers.

Sistema and The Insider describe the complete lack of mechanisms to hold soldiers accountable for violence against civilians (including murder and rape). Anyone who tries to draw attention to the crimes is themselves vulnerable to accusations of "acting against the army." An excerpt from the Human Rights Watch report shows that the Russian army has no real functioning control system similar to the NCO corps in Western forces. Top officers are only concerned with following orders from above, while lower officers intimidate subordinates to avoid getting into trouble themselves.

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"There are cases where a soldier is tried for minor offences, such as disobeying a tactical order, but if he kills Ukrainians - civilians or prisoners of war - no one prosecutes him," said one Ukrainian military lawyer quoted by The Guardian (27 March 2023).

If a conscript comes from a region with high unemployment, the army is sometimes the only "social support" for him. And once at the front, there is nowhere to run to, as the mobilisation system in Russia has increased the penalties for desertion. According to investigations by Mediazona and RFE/RL (15 July 2023), the true number of deserters is unknown, but most captured soldiers return to their units under fear, threats and beatings. The alternative would be to flee russia, but the borders were already partially closed when mobilisation was announced in September 2022; even more so in the face of frontline service. Soldiers told Sistema journalists that many of them do not even have passports.

As Amelie Tolvin summarises in Foreign Policy: in such a repressive system, the soldier chooses passive submission because of the "besieged fortress syndrome" - he has to fight an external enemy and also fears for his safety because of threats from his own. At the same time, he feels that a minor failure to obey an order is fraught with immediate punishment.

To an outside observer, it may seem incomprehensible how such high casualties or mistreatment of civilians can be tolerated. But as Amelie Tolvin notes, the "system of terror" created over the years in the Russian army effectively closes the door to protest. If we add to this the prospect of money for the poorest and total propaganda, we have the answer to the question of the absence of mutinies:

Repression in the army. From "hazing" and "penalty pits" to threats of firing squads for refusing to fight, people stop thinking about rebellion when they themselves become victims of terror.

Kremlin propaganda and dehumanisation of the enemy. Ukrainians portrayed as "Nazis" make it easier for soldiers to suppress guilt and moral doubts

Coercion and blackmail with prison. From $22,000 per contract to 15 years in prison for desertion, a financial "carrot and stick" determines a soldier's actions.

Culture of impunity. Crimes against civilians in Bucha, Irpen or Mariupol not only go unpunished - sometimes the command even encourages the perpetrators.

Chaos and lack of alternatives. Many conscripts come from regions living in deep poverty; the only job they could get was in the army. Once at the front, they are faced with the choice of killing, dying or going to prison.

All of this creates a vicious cycle of violence. Russian soldiers, who themselves are subjected to violence in their barracks, pass it on to the civilian population of Ukraine. They don't revolt because that would threaten even more violent reprisals than putting themselves under fire from Ukrainian defenders.

As Amelie Tolvin notes in Foreign Policy, "A culture of humiliation, pervasive fear, and an atmosphere of encouragement of crime on the part of the Kremlin have created a mechanism in which rebellion is unrealistic for Russian soldiers," and adds that the only hope remains the actual collapse of this system from within, when the burden of defeat at the front and growing social discontent may prove stronger than the fear of reprisals. For now, every single act of disobedience ends tragically, and a mass uprising is almost unthinkable in the realities of the Russian army.

Will the "Afghan syndrome" repeat itself?

As Anton Pavlovich writes in The Insider, there is a significant risk that people returning from the front lines in Russia could create a new "lost generation." Putin has said repeatedly since the start of the war that the patriots who fought in it should become the core of a new elite. To make this a reality, the "Time of Heroes" programme was launched, under which 80 people have already been trained for public service.

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At the moment, the most prominent example of such a career is Colonel Artem Zhoga, the Presidential Envoy to the Urals and former commander of the "volunteer battalion" Sparta during the armed conflict in Donbass. However, in his entourage there are also staff officials who "participate" in the "pact" without leaving their offices, such as Yevgeny Pervyshov, interim governor of the Tambov region.

In an interview with TASS, he drew attention to the danger of the so-called "Afghan syndrome" associated with the difficulties of finding oneself in civilian life after the war. He recalled that in the 1990s the state did not provide veterans with proper support, and many returnees from Afghanistan found themselves on the margins of society. According to Zhogi, modern Russia will not repeat this mistake: veterans should be actively involved in various social activities so that they can find their way in the new reality.

However, reality shows that there are not enough places in state corporations and government bodies to provide jobs for all those who have returned from the front. Instead, the state offers them numerous privileges - from minor benefits to preferential admission to universities - that only deepen the gulf between soldiers and civilians.

Anton Pavlovich notes that if a critical mass of people unable to find themselves in peaceful life gathers in post-war Russia, as it did in Germany in the 1920s, the question of new leaders will become crucial. The Kremlin systematically neutralises the potential leaders of this trend. An example of this is Igor Strelkov, who ended up in a colony, but at least he did not share the fate of Yevgeny Prigozhin. Of the long list of field commanders from the period of the so-called "Russian Spring" in Donbas, not a single one died on the front line - most of them were victims of assassination attempts or, at best, ended up in prison.

Denis Volkov, a Russian sociologist and director of the Levada Centre, writes in his text for the portal "bitter.media" that since 24 February 2022. The Levada Centre has been conducting monthly polls analysing Russians' sentiments towards the "special operation" in Ukraine. Despite three years and the great dynamics of events, public opinion appears to be surprisingly stable. At the beginning of the conflict, most Russian citizens followed the news with tension and apprehension, while the media reported a significant increase in support for the authorities and patriotic consolidation.

In the spring of 2022, following the imposition of sanctions, temporary panic and fears of economic collapse were evident. However, the situation quickly stabilised and Russians learned to work in the new realities. The greatest commotion was caused by partial mobilisation in the autumn of 2022, which momentarily worsened the mood and caused a second wave of departures from the country. However, after the mobilisation was completed, the atmosphere calmed down again and the war began to be perceived as a phenomenon occurring "somewhere far away".

Despite the fact that the fighting has been going on for a long time and has claimed many lives, no mass protest movement has emerged in Russia. The authorities are not hiding the fact of losses, but on the contrary, they are intensively promoting the glorification of the fallen. For many Russians, the casualties are "someone else", most often professional soldiers or volunteers who decided to take part in the conflict themselves.

Official support for military action remains at 75-80%, but only about 45% of respondents declare full, unconditional support. Another 30 per cent are those who hold a "rather yes" position. - They support "our soldiers" but are concerned about the war itself. At the same time, on average, more than half of the respondents would like negotiations and an end to the conflict, indicating "war fatigue". However, for many of them, "peace" means only the terms put forward by Russia, without concessions to Ukraine.

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